В основу предлагаемой вниманию читателей монографии положен научный проект «Россия на переломах эпох», предпринятый независимым Центром исследований политической культуры России в 1988-1998 годах. В центре внимания авторского коллектива — восприятие россиянами проблемы «КПРФ и власть», сделавшейся в результате серии выборов 1995-1997 годов одним из ключевых моментов всей общественной жизни нашей страны. Почему народ отвернулся от КПСС? Что видят наши современники в КПРФ — этой крупнейшей силе вновь возродившегося российского коммунистического движения? На какое восприятие в народе может рассчитывать ее лидер Г.А.Зюганов? Каким видится россиянам будущее компартии? Таков круг вопросов, на которые отвечает книга, построенная на данных многочисленных социологических обследований, большая часть которых никогда прежде не публиковалась.
Выходные данные
Введение
Summary
С.И.Васильцов, Б.О.Комоцкий, С.П.Обухов, В.П.Пешков. Коммунисты: право на власть. Народное восприятие. (Библиотека русской политологии.). — М.: Изд-во «Информ-знание», 1998. — 188 с.
ISBN 5-8032-0074-3
ББК 63.3 (0)
Ответственный редактор: В.П.Пешков
Руководитель аналитического проекта: С.И.Васильцов
Авторский коллектив: С.И.Васильцов, Б.О.Комоцкий, С.П.Обухов, В.П.Пешков
Рецензенты: В.К.Коломиец, Г.Н.Пирогов
В работе над книгой принимали участие: К.Ф.Колесникова, Е.В.Мамаев
Корректор: А.А.Андреева
Оформление и верстка: А.Н.Барыкин
Сдано в набор 15.01.98. Подписано в печать 02.02.98.
Формат 60х90 1/16. Бумага офсетная.
Усл. печ. л. 12,7. Тираж 5000 экз.
© Центр исследований политической культуры России, 1998 год
История русского коммунизма, отмечающего ныне свой столетний юбилей, несомненно, принадлежит к числу интереснейших и в то же время самых загадочных явлений XX столетия. И останется, надо понимать, таковой и в XXI веке в качестве одной из ведущих и постоянно видоизменяющихся ипостасей нашего национального бытия и мировосприятия. Общественный опыт показал: на каждой новой ступени развития — после многих испытаний, успехов и провалов — российское коммунистическое движение не только оживало, но и принципиально преображалось. Оно сберегало свои главные, «природные» черты и обогащалось новыми, созвучными текущим дням особенностями, пополнялось корневыми, идущими от истоков нации, свойствами. И почти всегда с четкостью различалось на фоне иных общественных явлений и структур. Взлеты и падения, небывалая слава и глубочайший позор, образцы созидательности и уроки пассивного гниения, бездеятельность перед смертельными угрозами и способность подниматься, когда надежды на возрождение, казалось бы, иссякли, — все это во многом заново испытали российские коммунисты и в наши дни, за сравнительно непродолжительный десятилетний период «перестройки и реформ», обрушенных на страну. Распался Союз ССР, развалилась КПСС, с нарастающей силой пошел раскол самой России, бурными темпами началась «дикая» капитализация страны. И все это с жесткостью воплощается в то, что К.Маркс называл «обработкой людей людьми» а точнее — в «производство и распределение мыслей своего времени» (Маркс К., Энгельс Ф. Соч., 2-е изд., т.З. С.35,46.), которое всегда строго регулируется власть имущими силами. Так что перед КПРФ, возникшей в российском обществе пять лет назад, после восстановительного съезда в феврале 1993 года, с неизбежностью встали вопросы о самой себе, о том обществе, в котором ей выпало действовать, о собственной будущности и т.д. И что особенно важно — о власти: имеют ли коммунисты право — после всего происшедшего с ними и со страною — опять встать у кормила государственного управления? Особенно — признается ли за ними это самое право в народе, ведь «политика начинается там, где миллионы…» (Ленин В.И., Полн. Собр. Соч., т.36. С. 16.) Вот что превращается сегодня в ось национальной жизни, притягивает к себе эмоции, ориентации, поведение наших сограждан. Что такое в наши дни компартия, какой предрешено ей стать в будущем, чего ждать от КПРФ и ее лидера в случае прихода к власти, каково соотношение бытующих в народном менталитете страхов и надежд, связываемых с коммунистической партией, куда пытаются ее подталкивать и какой путь развития на деле способен превратить КПРФ и группирующийся вокруг нее народно-патриотический блок в решающую силу нашего общества? Таковы главные узлы обозначившихся здесь проблем. Именно анализ народных взглядов на весь этот круг вопросов, предпринятый в 1988-1998 годах независимым Центром исследований политической культуры России, и положен в основу предлагаемой монографии.
In the end of the eighties all the negative, that accumulated in the Soviet society, splashed out on the surface of the life, like a boiling water flowing out of the copper from which the cover was tearing. The wave of the highly aggressive individualism and offences against all and everything flowed over the country. In the beginning of the 90’s the great part of the former Soviet citizens advocated the idea that «total equality is quite impossible as there are both talented and in- capable persons». At that in most cases these people considered themselves as «talented» and at the same time all others were the persons without tal- ent for them. As to a society, which supposedly didn’t give them the pos- sibility to realize their aspirations, was sharply criticized. «In our country were are something like serves: each our step is strictly regulated by the state». More than a half of the citizens began to think that way. The values, which were the moral-political pivot of the society, were depreciated. About 60% of the population saw the socialism as a myth, a dream, something from far future or simply «the power of the mediocrity». On the contrary, the points of view of the majority of the popu- lation (up to 70%) about the capitalism were enriched with such colours as «the only viable system… society, where each its member has what it is due to him…» At that time however «the image of the enemy» was shaping in people’s mentality quite weakly. At any case one man out of 5 was ready to see «the enemy» in so to say «fascists», instead of whom they took patriots — defenders of the strong united state. In general nonaggressive views of the political opponents prevailed. It is always necessary to treat them with respect to discuss the problems correctly and honestly»- Since 1990 that was an opinion of al- most 60% of the citizens. On the threshold of the 901 the attitude of the society to the still ruling Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) was far from the simplicity. In spite of the stream of very sharp, often harsh statements to its address, only 7% of the electorate agreed that close fight of «the non- Party people with the members of the CPSU», was the essence of the overall social-political conflict, which was shaking the USSR. Only 1/4 of the population refused to believe it at all. In any case half of the electors was listening to it. The ratio of the public opinions was 3 to 1 in favor of the communists. The CPSU could reserve for yourself the chance to stay above the close fight in the society, assuming the role of a mediator. However the CPSU did not take this chance. The Russian Soviet Federal Socialist Republic Communist Party (RSFSRCP) which was formed within the framework of the CPSU in 1990 did not have enough strength to improve the situation. In spite of the fact that it had the possibility for its development. If in the summer of 1989 only 35% of Russians voted in favor of its foundation; in the Spring of the next year — already 52%. People had many expectations from the RSFSRCP, which did not come true. This first Russian Communist Party could not dissociate itself from the perishing CPSU, from M.Gorbachev who became the most hated political figure ever. «It did not justify hopes… it will not be the real political force», — about 2/3 of Russians estimated the situation that way on the eve of the August events of 1991, after which the RSFSRCP crushed down together with the CPSU. The 1992-1993 became the years of dramatic change of all mass orientations in the basis of which was the rebirth of the Russian national selfconsciousness and the restoration of many values and symbols of the Soviet epoch. Public perception of the October Revolution, of Lenin, Stalin, Brezhnev and war in Afganistan as well as the place of Russians in the historic Russia was also reconceived. A great deal of social groups tried to play a role of the exponents of those orientations and values but with a little success. Starting from the middle of the 90’s in the views of the most part of Russians these val- ues were connected with the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF). However from the beginning, in 1993-1994, they predicted only the minor role for it. But soon the situation changed. From 40 to 50% of voters already waited for the communists, if they would had come to power, first of all executive power, to raise the economy, to fight crimes and to reconstruct the one united state. They started to consider the party as the most active, people oriented, and even «sage» force. At that, while estimating the future of the CPRF only one Rus- sian from five (most of all among those who support the ruling «democratic» forces) prophesized a social-democratic reorientation for the party. On the contrary twice as much of Russians including the dominant part of communist supporters, considered the Communist Party of the Russian Federation as a driving force of the Russian na- tional rebirth and an organization of the patriotic type.
The same question about the ways of the further development is also raised today and when the matter concerns CPRF’s leader Gennady A.Zuganov. In mass consciousness the comparisons of the leader of the CPRF with the most famous historic personalities are favourable, and associating names could be represented as follows: Kutuzov — Andropov — Marche — Malenkov — Bukharin — Katharine the Great. In people’s perception the 1995 and especially 1996 vote results added to his image the traits of charisma. In particular not less than 30- 40% of population acknowledge his merits in reconstruction of the Rus- sian Communist Party not at all the same to the CPSU. Meanwhile in 1997 only 15-20% of Russians kept blaming him in orthodoxy, mediocrity and ignorance as well as in reactionary charac- ter. The proportion between positive and negative valuations of Zuganov’s personality could be made as 3 to 1 in favor to the firsts. As a result in almost every other case estimating his political fu- ture as the leader of the CPRF, national patriotic union and the biggest fraction of the parliament people declare: «The situation is so complex that it would be absolutely unwise for the Communist Party to change its leader. There is no other political figure who can be able to be at head of the opposition». This point of view is shared by the CPRF’s voters, the patriots of other political orientations and even the followers of the party of G.Yavlinsky. For the time being many of the disputed actions of the CPRF and the national Patriotic Union — repeated refuses from voting «against the government or for the budget» — find understanding and support among the people that proves positive public attitude towards the CPRF, permanent «credit of trust» to the party in the country. «Communists have to be realists. It would be better for them not to fight the ruling regime straightforwardly but rather attacking it step by step. At the same time there is a wish for someone to hit at last the hands of this power»- that the opinion of more than 50% of Russians on the CPRF’s refuse to vote against Chernomyrdin’s government in the second part of 1997. In general the up-to-date party line of actions can have two ways of development: either to the direction of a compromise with the «party of power» — which doesn’t promise much for the communists according to the historic experience (participation of Spanish communists in the «Pact ofMoncloa», Italian communists in «Democratic accord», French communists in the left government, etc.), or — the move for its further patriotization. In the last event the policy will inevitably run into the «Russian question». At that under contemporary circumstances its essence was changed in the main. Many reasons by which in the XIX and the beginning of the XX’s century the communist movement treated cau- tiously and even with hostility almost all Russian and Slavic in general, did not exist any more. Today Russians are not the minority of the country population, they are not the richest and not the ruling ethnic people. They form the working class in Russia and the majority of the countries that appeared after the disintegration of the USSR. It was the patriotic course of the Communist Party unseparable from the problems of Russians that gave it a chance to participate suc- cessfully in the 1995-1997 votes and to become the dominant political force of the country. The results of these voting campaigns, public opinion poles, ob- servations over the condition of the mass mentality, analyses of the gen- eral development of Russia, — all that formed the basis for the conclusion: the CPRF will come to power, unite all healthy international forces in the former union republics for the reunification of the renewal united state on the geographical space called before Kiev and Moscow Russia, Russian empire and later the USSR, if it becomes the force of the Rus- sian, Russian national liberation and revival.